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    Moreover, hybrid political regimes tend to have elements of democratic and non-democratic institutions Barlow , Tilly and Tarrow's framework has been applied to feminist movements in Iran by scholars such as Rebecca Barlow. In her piece, Barlow analyzes two forms of feminism and how they fall under the umbrellas of transgressive and contained contentions. The first form of feminism is that of Islamic feminism, which Barlow's argues is part of contained contention.

    The second form of is secular feminism which Barlow's argues is a part of transgressive feminism. Moreover, Iran has embodied both Islamic feminism and secular feminism in an effort to promote reforms of gender biased laws Barlow Barlow observes two prominent movements geared towards women's rights, both of which show the negative impacts of government crackdown: One Million Signature Campaign and Campaign to Change the Male Face of Parliament. The case of Iran also illustrates the importance of both modes of contention, transgressive and contained.

    In , the Sixth Majlis9 elected thirteen women which formed the Women's Faction. The Women's Faction serves as an example of contained contention as this group of women strived to alleviate the problem from within the Islamic framework. Later in , female activists in Iran created the One Million Signature Campaign which attempted to relinquish these conservative gender laws through protests, petitions, theatrics, and trans-global awareness and involvement.

    TFNs in Iran and Argentina largely exemplified elements of the second, third, and fourth networks, which will be discussed in further detail in chapters four and six of this research. While this structure discusses the various forms of TFNs, it is critical to understand how and why TFNs emerge; in doing so, I can assess each of the two cases with these guidelines. While these two may work together, their incentives and views may diverge.

    In order to understand this better, it is important to understand why TFNs emerge and that requires examining both sides. Group A has members from various backgrounds and classes socioeconomic, ethnic, religious, and political. I expect that women that are from lower socioeconomic backgrounds are more likely to emerge as transnational feminist networks because they lack the accessibility to resources they need and will engage in open communications with networks abroad that can readily provide resources to them.

    Furthermore, I expect women that have had first-hand experiences in discrimination, oppression, grievances, and injustices will be more inclined and motivated to be involved, than those that do not have such connections. It should be noted that members of Group A may emerge into TFNs as a result of actions committed against family members and loved ones, not just direct attacks on themselves.

    Group A is more likely to emerge as a TFN and engage with activists abroad, if it does not have sufficient resources on its own. For instance, I expect that in the case of Iran, Group A is less likely to have access to platforms like social media that efficiently and rapidly spread news and information out; thus, it is more likely to lean on Group B to assist with respect to that. Such pressure may be enough to create reforms, even if they are minor changes or shifts to the laws. I expect that members of Group B will likely have the social, political, and financial resources that Group A may not have access to.

    Members of Group B typically live in western countries that permit them to utilize social media as an informative platform, reach out to their local politicians to raise awareness, raise financial contributions for the cause, create petitions in advocacy of a particular movement, reach out to various news outlets, and conduct solidarity protests.

    I expect that members of the diaspora community, so long as there is cohesiveness amongst them, will engage in these movements because they still have ties to their home country. Similarly, while NGOs may not have such ties, they may have connections to issues that are being addressed by these movements — especially social issues that are contentious and of importance for many people in the world.

    I expect that not all members of the diaspora community will be involved; in some cases expatriates feel a disconnect to their homeland and build a sense of loyalty to their new country which makes them less inclined to partake in activities that assist their former compatriots — whom they may view with enmity.

    As discussed earlier in this chapter, there are two modes to contention: transgressive and contained. While there are some groups, as mentioned earlier in this chapter, that utilize contained contention — the organizations I assess in this research utilized transgressive contention. The reason they use transgressive contention is two-fold: firstly, as mentioned previously, authoritarian and autocratic regimes make it challenging to use contained contention and it is more challenging to achieve goals that way; secondly, transgressive contention allows one to be more creative in their forms of protest.

    For instance, in Iran, protestors of some of the TFNs discussed in this research utilized art and theater as a sign of protest- which is equally unique as it is profound; seeing a woman standing atop a platform in the middle of Azadi Square with her hair laid bare, holding her headscarf in her hand, can be more profound and speak more volumes than a protest or demonstration.

    Moreover, gathering signatures can capture the attention of many as they see the countless names on those sheets of paper. Additionally, with transgressive contention, activists can expand their efforts outside of the institution enabling them to reach out to activists abroad. In the same token, Argentina is also a mixed-contention as it has utilized both contained and transgressive; however, unlike Iran it has remained relatively mixed.

    This is in part likely due to the fact that there have been various regime changes in Argentina, especially since the end of the Dirty War. In light of that, TFNs have found it more feasible to communicate their concerns with their government and attempt to resolve their contentions within the institution. However, in some cases, activists have had to rely on NGOs and feminist networks abroad, which will be discussed in further detail later in this research.

    I expect that in the case of Argentina, the lack of authoritarianism that is present in Iran, makes it more feasible for it to be more vocal with the government without the fear of ramifications. As previously mentioned, Tilly and Tarrow noted that transgressive contention is more likely to succeed than contained contention, simply because of its ability to expand and its ability to conduct more creative lines of protest.

    While this is one way to assess outcome, there are several other factors that may impact the likelihood of success or failure. First, with respect to the diaspora community there is sometimes a lack of cohesiveness amongst expatriates which in turn will likely result in a deteriorating movement that is not successful in achieving its goals. Thus, the more cohesiveness, the higher the chances of success; Second, the involvement of foreign NGOs that have no connection to a particular country may result in a lack of understanding which again results in divergence and a lack of cohesiveness.

    Thus, a lack of knowledge on a particular country will result in a lack of cohesiveness which will result in a lesser chance of success; Third, the involvement of NGOs that share the same incentives and goals as an organization in the home country, are more likely to garner the necessary international awareness which can place pressure on governments to create change; Fourth, access to necessary resources such as finances, communication technology, symbolic resources, news outlets, etc.

    A movement within an authoritarian regime, is likely to be less successful than a movement within a democratic or hybrid regime, because they face higher levels of restriction and retaliatory efforts; the latter is more likely to make a movement disintegrate. This research will be most efficiently conducted under two qualitative approaches, one is Tilly's comparative analysis and the other is process-tracing. Specifically, this research implements comparative process-tracing by way of a historical analysis.

    In doing so, I will be evaluating any variations of outcomes pertaining to transnational feminist efforts in creating change among their diaspora communities in their home countries. Moreover, I will be examining the level of influence these groups have on their respective communities.

    This research will benefit most from a comparative analysis, as it will explore what factors may influence outcomes for change among these diaspora groups. There are three facets that make comparative historical analysis unique and useful for researchers and particularly crucial for the research conducted hereto.

    First, comparative historical analysis is interested in examining inferences that produce bigger outcomes Mahoney and Rueschemeyer In comparative studies one can see interest in observing a chain of events that have occurred throughout history, and how such events have resulted in an outcome. Secondly, comparative historical analysis observes the sequences that unfold throughout history within a state and believes that the occurrences that happen are not static, or single occurrences that happen at a fixed point, but rather such occurrences happen with a process over time Skocpol ; Mahoney and Rueschemeyer , For example, to scholars of this framework, a phenomenon such as a revolution or upheaval does not simply emerge overnight, but often is a result of an accumulation of events over the course of history of a given history.

    This is not to say that such findings should and do speak for all cases, rather Mahoney and Rueschemeyer make it a point to stress that this is not the case, but that it does offer advantages with trying to examine the cases presented. Additionally, given that comparative historical analysis encompasses a small number of cases, researchers become well versed in their cases as they uncover inferences within a phenomenon Mahoney and Rueschemeyer , Moreover, case selection varies under comparative historical analysis.

    While in most circumstances, the cases selected and observed are typically nation states — that is not always the case. Rather, in some instances there is a variety of things that may be compared such as social movements, revolutions, contentions, economic depravity, etc.

    Mahoney and Rueschemeyer In addition to comparative historical analysis, this research will also utilize and benefit from process-tracing. Process-Tracing Process-tracing is a tool that has been evaluated and examined in a multitude of ways. In prior circumstances, process-tracing was examined in different forms, each of which had different goals and intended outcomes. While this research utilizes the more nuanced form of single-method process-tracing, which will be discussed at greater length later, it is important to understand its prior forms and different variants in order to understand how it has evolved overtime and how this single-method best suits the research on hand.

    In the past, there have been three variants of process-tracing, two of which have been solely theory based while the other has been strictly case study based. To begin, there are three distinct forms of process-tracing: theory-testing process-tracing, theory-building process-tracing, and explaining-outcome process-tracing Beach and Pedersen While all three forms are significant in their own respective ways, they each serve different purposes in hopes of garnering particular outcomes or results as they pertain to descriptive case comparison.

    Additionally, it displays how each variant has a distinct purpose. Firstly, in theory-testing process-tracing, there is either pre-existing research that has formed potential suppositions about why a phenomena occurs or there is pre-existing theory that may be utilized to test why a phenomena occurs Beach and Pedersen Moreover, this particular form of process-tracing is interested in testing if a theory is valid or an adequate explanatory mechanism for a particular occurrence.

    Secondly, theory-building process-tracing goes beyond a single case study analysis and utilizes data in an effort to uncover inferences to a potential connection to the outcome Beach and 11 Figure 2. Process-tracing methods foundations and guidelines. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. So the researcher is forced to work backwards from the outcome in an effort to understand the phenomenon in greater context of the case illuminated by the inferences uncovered Beach and Pedersen , Lastly, there is explaining-outcome process-tracing which is utilized in an effort to explain why a particular outcome unfolds.

    Similar to that of theory-testing process-tracing and unlike theory-building process-tracing, explaining-outcome utilizes a single case study in hopes of explaining inferences leader illuminating a phenomena. In contrast to the two prior forms of process-tracing, this one does not rely on theories to support its claims Beach and Pedersen While all three forms of process-tracing are insightful and useful, for purposes of this research, I utilize a single-method form of process-tracing which utilizes elements from theory- building process-tracing.

    While the other two forms of process-tracing may be helpful, they both utilize single case studies — which is not within the scope of this particular study. Process-tracing is useful for this research as it is able to trace inferences and events within a case directly from an outcome in an effort to bring to light other possible intervening inferences at play Collier While examining only two cases may hold problems of external validity, most qualitative approaches examining a small-N suffer from this form of validity problem.

    The nature of qualitative methods having small or limited sample size has often ascribed qualitative methods as being more deterministic than probabilistic. Thus, the context gained from utilizing qualitative approaches and methods can highlight strong connections that emanate within the cases which can balance out problems with external validity.

    As a result, problems with replication outside of the cases being examined are compensated with case prioritization of circumventing problems of internal validity using comparative historical analysis Yom , This research will consist of three cases with similar motives for collective action under vastly different regime types.

    First, both countries have varying forms of regime and governance between one another. Iran falls under Tilly and Tarrow's definition of a hybrid regime that functions as a theocracy, but has certain democratic elements embedded within it. In contrast, Argentina is a presidential democratic republic that underwent transition from a military dictatorship to an electoral democracy.

    Secondly, one of the cases examined, Iran, has generated large diaspora groups over the last few decades which would make it a critical case to observe for this study; predominantly in terms of examining whether the integration of the diaspora community within movements serves purposeful in terms of success.

    With the cases of both Iran and Argentina there appears to be high turnout of emigrant female participation in transnational movements. In the case of Iran, women within the home country and women in host countries have relatively high turnout rates for the campaign movement s. Additionally, Iranian women are particularly concerned with reforms of gender biased laws such as those that fall under the umbrella of marriage laws, divorce laws, and custody laws. Moreover, both have differences and similarities in their fight for gender equality.

    Moreover, this movement sparked international attention and assistance. Third, within both of these cases the outcomes have presented varying results. For instance, while transnational feminist movements with respect to Iran have garnered moderately positive outcomes with some reforms, they have had challenges in terms of cohesiveness between members of the diaspora and activists within Iran which has adversely impacted their success.

    In contrast, Argentina's movement was not only successful within the country, but was able to promote the movement within other countries - some of which were additionally successful. Fourthly, these countries each vary in terms of the form of contention. Firstly, it should be noted that transgressive contention often arises from contained contention as the latter is often unsuccessful in espousing change McAdam, Tilly, and Tarrow As such, one could arguably ascertain that each of these cases has begun as a mode of contained contention and either remained as one or transformed into a mode of transgressive contention.

    Iran can be considered a combination of transgressive and contained contention as it has exerted both during different stages of the Islamic Republic and continues to do so; albeit the movements that will be discussed are considered transgressive. The Women's Faction in Iran, which still remains, is an example of contained contention while the movements conducted by various female activists has been predominantly transgressive in nature.

    In contrast, Argentina began with a mode of contained contention, but as a result of limitations and growing outside support - it transformed into a mode of transgressive contention; both will be discussed in the cases I observe. Lastly, some of these countries had more readily available resources i. Nonetheless, women in Iran have managed to garner attention through communication lines with Iranian women living abroad which has subsequently allowed this latter group of women to raise awareness to the social media platform they do have access to and to formulate petitions and write letters to government officials within their new countries.

    The Madres movement in Argentina was able to garner international attention rather quickly because these women utilized media attention as a platform to raise awareness. It is crucial for women in these countries to have access to various media outlets or at least be able to form dialogue with women abroad to open a line of communication that would lead to more awareness - which has taken place in each of these cases. Despite the limitations, the context of this research and the scope of its question, a comparative case study analysis is best suited.

    Given that this study is looking to better understand how women in diaspora communities, or the lack of their presence, has influence in women cross- nationally, a comparative case study analysis will observe the variations and similarities of outcomes across different cultures in three varying countries. This is a qualitative outcome, and I focus on social and economic rights related to reproductive freedom, marriage, sexual assault and violence against women, forced adoption, employment, and clothing.

    In addition, I examine broader norms associated with the improvement, or not, of accountability following periods of autocracy i. My unit of analysis will be social movements that include feminist activism domestic, and transnational in two countries: Iran and Argentina. Furthermore, this dissertation will rely heavily on data collected from prior research, primary, and secondary sources that have examined transnational feminism as it pertains to the cases of Iran and Argentina.

    Conclusion Throughout history, the diaspora community has been faced with the challenges of settling and assimilating into a newfound homeland, whilst choosing to maintain connections to its homeland or departing from it entirely. The former has played a crucial role in engaging with movements in their homeland to attempt to create reforms and changes to different issues spanning from economic depravities, social welfare, and gender equality, as well as many others.

    This interaction between the diaspora community and their compatriots in their homeland has been termed as transnationalism. Whilst transnationalism focuses strictly on the impact and integration of the diaspora community in such movements, one of its subsidiary categories, transnational feminism, examines the role of NGOs, feminist networks, humanitarian networks, as well as the diaspora in creating change within the home country.

    In particular, transnational feminism diverts from the notion of transnationalism that states that individuals engage in movements because of direct ties to their home countries, this case that is neither a requirement nor a reason for engagement. Within transnational feminism, as is the case with any social movement, there are theories centered on why people engage in collective behavior.

    One of the more notable theories that have explained transnational feminism, as well as other transnational endeavors, is that of Social Movement Theory, specifically New Social Movement Theory. Generally speaking, grievances have played a significant role in motivating people to create uprisings and protests; however, this approach is seen as an old, drawn out explanation for collective behavior that does not adequately explain every circumstance. Thus, after the s scholars such as Tilly , McAdam , and Pivon and Cloward discussed other factors that may result in collective action: resources and politics.

    The former explains that resources play a crucial role in ensuring the success of a movement; the more resources, the more the likelihood for success and vice versa. Thus, activists in the home country are sometimes forced to open communications with organizations outside of their country that have access to such resources.

    While Resource Mobilization Theory does not diminish the important role of grievances, it ascertains that grievances remain constant overtime and as a result cannot be viewed as a dominating factor for collective behavior. Moreover, resource mobilization believes that upheavals emerge from politically motivated circumstances, not psychological. Similarly, Political Process Theory supports that social movements emerge due to political circumstances, but further declares that these movements emerge from politically charged ambitions.

    Tilly and Tarrow introduced another explanation for social movements and that was the idea of Contentious politics. Theorists have predicted that transgressive contention is most successful. Thus, in an effort to test this theory, I evaluate whether the mode of contention has any bearings to success; specifically if contained or transgressive movements are more prone to success or whether they have no impact at all. In addition to this factor, the remainder of the dissertation with examine whether other factors such as resources, elite influence, elite division, grievances, and regime type have any bearings on the success of a movement.

    Theorists have often disagreed on these matters and the degree of their influence on success; as such, I will examine the impact, or lack thereof, for each of these factors. Lastly, I will examine the emergence, structure, and purpose of each of the TFNs researched in this work. In doing so, I assess whether my theories listed within the argument of this piece are correct. I also incorporate theories of contentious politics that are laid forth by Tilly and Tarrow in an effort to assess if a movement would be considered successful according to their tenets, or not.

    I will be observing two cases that encompass each form of transnational feminism. For purposes of this research, I hope to compare the impact of the diaspora community; specifically, whether or not the influence of the diaspora community has any bearing on the success of a movement. In particular, some scholars have examined the role of women in raising awareness for the rights of their fellow female compatriots in their homeland.

    Most importantly, this movement has created a platform and open communication between women within different countries. In doing so, women from Iran have managed to create avenues for females in their homeland in an effort to enable their basic rights. Despite this, women have succumbed to a plight that ranges from narrowly constructed gender roles, to oppression by a theocratic ideology that stifles many of their basic human rights.

    Moreover, Iran is a unique country that is consumed by various religious and ethnic dynamics that carry distinct norms and expectations, predominantly with regard to the female population. As a result, Iranian women within Iran and abroad have rallied to mitigate these conditions and improve the overall quality of life for females within the Islamic Republic. In doing so, efforts have been implemented to overturn overtly gender biased laws which has been met with both praise and reproach.

    To understand the unfolding transnational dynamic found among Iranian women, one must first examine their status throughout recent Iranian history to present. Moreover, it is critical to review scholarly work dedicated to the role of women within Iran and abroad. In this chapter, I focus on the changing status of women in Iran, with a focus on the period of to Some background is also provided to understand the influence of foreign powers, and non-state actors, during the period associated with Constitutional Revolution of , and the subsequent rise of Reza Shah.

    Within each of these forms, the role of women has also transitioned and transformed. Moreover, women have played critical and key roles within each of these government forms Paidar ; Afary ; Sameh Moreover, the end of the Qajar dynasty witnessed movements that sought unveiling and education rights for women. In contrast, under the rule of the Pahlavi Era , by way of modernization, men were encouraged to become more advanced and engaged in society.

    As the following sections will later highlight, his efforts were met with both praise and criticism among women throughout the country. To understand how women in Iran have attained more rights, it is critical to analyze what roles they played from the beginning of the Qajar dynasty to present, and how transnational feminist groups emerged over the last few decades. Moreover, it is crucial to this study to examine these two eras in an effort to understand how transnational feminism emerged during the Islamic era of Iran.

    Qajar Dynasty Background During the beginning of the Qajar dynasty, women were regarded and viewed under the guise of a male dominated society that prohibited women from achieving certain societal positions. Many women under the Qajar rule regarded oppressive measures against women in Iran as a result of Islamic customs and morals Sedghi Some feminists believed that such morals made it challenging to embrace the European norms and traditions that would enable women to hold higher positions in society outside of the customary household roles espoused to them Sedghi Astrabadi was not the only woman under the Qajar dynasty that shared such sentiments.

    Indeed, many novelists and women at the time regarded the era as one that was most beneficial to men. Each garment of clothing was used as an effort to divide women from men. As in most patriarchal societies, women under the Qajar dynasty were not welcomed at birth. In lower-class households, women that birthed females often faced scrutiny, punishment, and abandonment by their husbands Sedghi ; Mahdavi ; Mahdavi ; Alaoui ; Shiranipour ; Ali Karami Birthing girls was referred to by the term nang meaning disgrace or dishonor Davies While the upper classes were more tolerant towards girls and often hired tutors for them within their compounds, they were not immune from patriarchal stigma.

    Within these classes, women were taught that the only assets they bestowed to world were their reproductive capabilities and sexuality — neither of which were ever solely their own Sedghi Moreover, in upper class households, girls were married off as young as the age of nine or in some cases, seven Shojaei et al. Martin As Sedghi , 28 notes: The marital system ensured patriarchal domination.

    As previously mentioned, patriarchal tenets under the Qajars not only impacted women in lower classes, but those of higher classes and royalty as well. In her noteworthy memoirs, Taj al-Sultaneh makes comments on both the political and social dynamics under the Qajar rule.

    Al-Sultaneh spoke of the many deprivations women faced under the Qajar rule including but not limited to: child marriage, veiling, and oppression. At a young age, Al-Sultaneh was tutored in French, and she began to develop more European ideals and drifted away from Persian norms.

    While learning more of European customs and views on women, Al-Sultaneh also displayed concern for her fellow Iranian women. She believed that women in Iran could serve their country more readily if rights were given to them as they were in other countries both in the political, economic, and social spheres Mahdavi But, my teacher, are not opinions free?

    She was the first female in the royal family to remove the veil and embrace European clothing. This was one of many female organizations to emerge from the Constitutional Movement. Additionally, women published journal articles and magazines to raise awareness of the female plight in Iran. Nonetheless, despite the Constitutional Revolution, women were still met with apprehension and stifled from partaking in public sector networks Sedghi Upon releasing the Articles of the newly formed constitution of , equal rights were mentioned yet only applied to males within Iran; women, once again, were prohibited from participating in the public sphere, including but not limited to voting Sedghi Once again, such requests were met with scrutiny, as one Member of Parliament having said that: God has not given them [women] the capacity needed for taking part in politics and electing the representative of the nation.

    They are the weaker sex, and have not the same power of judgement as men have. However, their rights must not be trampled upon, but must be safeguarded by men as ordained in the Quran by God Almighty as quoted in Sedghi , Religious leaders, in particular, found such requests to be directly against Islamic teachings and edicts.

    In particular, Nuri and Shushtari opposed the education of women, often seeing it as a threat to the status quo Mahdi Interestingly, in , the education law passed which made education up to the sixth grade compulsory for both boys and girls, but the law was never put into force and religious clerics utilized interpretations of Islamic scriptures to defend their respective positions Arasteh , Education of women was viewed with strict scrutiny due to the actions of one prominent feminist, Qurrat al-Ain Qurrat al-Ain, who had been educated by her father at a very young age in both Islamic edicts and Persian literature, grew to be an important figure for Iranian feminism and one of the first women to publicly unveil herself amidst a crowd of men Mahdi Her conversion to the Babi religion tainted the view of all feminists and educated women in Iran, religious clerics having claimed that all such women converted to Babism and engaged in blasphemous rhetoric Mahdi Nonetheless, women under the Qajar dynasty, regardless of their religious or ethnic affiliations, did not cease to pursue education, despite the criticism.

    Other proponents of education for women included male intellectuals such as, Ali Akbar Dehkhuda, Ahmad Kasravi, Iraj Mirza, to name a few. These intellectuals worked collectively with feminists and women that strived to create reforms within the constitution.

    In particular, individuals like Kasravi were open critics to clerical opposition for gender equality, reproaching them for continuously chastising women on their attire Kasravi ; Amini Similarly, Dekhuda, who served as Ministry of Education, chastised religious clerics for their vehement opposition to education of women and gender equality Sirjani Mirza utilized his position as a prominent poet at the time to illustrate the disastrous plight of women through his poetry Mahmoodi-Bakhtiari ; Moradi One of his notable poems, and arguably the most politically driven, was a direct attack against one of the more prominent opposition of gender equality, Shaykh Nuri.

    The support women garnered from male intellectuals of this time helped raise the necessary awareness of the dire circumstances and backlash they faced, predominantly from religious elites within society. For instance, in the city of Urmia, American and British missionaries strived to build schools for both boys and girls Ishaya ; Ishaya In , American missionaries called the American Congregational Mission, under the guise of Reverend Justin Perkins opened a school that was intended to educate the populace in hopes of the Assyrian populace engaging in migrant work abroad Ishaya Albeit, this particular school was not particularly focused on female entrance, but garnered towards promoting heightened levels of migrant work for foreign economic benefit.

    In , American Missionaries, supported by Fidelia Fiske, opened an all-female seminary by the name of Fiske Seminary. In , the Sisters of St. Vincent de Paul or Daughters of Charity, as they are often known as, created schools throughout various parts of Iran, including in the cities of Tabriz, Urmia, Esfahan, and Salamas Najmabadi In , Tehran opened an American girls-only school Najmabadi Moreover, Various religious denominations in Persia also sponsored schools for girls.

    The Armenians opened such schools in Tehran in , in Qazvin , in Soltanabad in , and in Isfahan in Ettehad, the first Jewish school for girls in Tehran, was established by the Alliance Israelite Universelle in In Kerman Zoroastrians established Enat- jamsidi for girls in Tarbiat — e banat was established in Tehran by Bahais in Najmabadi , Similar schools to this were opened in Qazvin , Rasht , and Shiraz Najmabadi American missionaries, under the leadership of Dr.

    William Shedd, formed a wide array of schools for both boys and girls throughout Urmia Ishaya In , there was an estimated schools throughout some villages within Urmia. American missions were estimated to have built 53 schools, whereas Russian missions were estimated to have built 74 schools Ishaya ; Ishaya Nonetheless, gender discrimination was still present in foreign schools.

    From the years of , Assyrian students put on productions of Shakespearean plays, but female students were not permitted to act; rather male students were required to play the female roles instead Ishaya Protestant Missions of this time, such as those committed by Shedd, carried the intent to spread Christianity on a global scale, making Iran one of the many countries visited Zirinsky In addition to this goal, two other goals that emerged during this period were spreading education and medicine Zirinsky While it was clear that these missions would not prove successful in converting the Muslim populations to Christianity, let alone Protestantism, they were more successful in converting the Armenians, Assyrians, and Jews.

    Thus, these missionaries focused more efforts on building schools for these individuals as they would be the ones that would ultimately serve the most useful and purposeful Zirinsky Summary To summarize, the Qajar period was marked by the emergence of movements that sought greater rights and opportunities for women. One can attribute many factors to the successes of some of these reforms, including: 1 the efforts American, British, Russian, and Catholic missionaries and seminaries within Iran to build schools for girls; 2 female solidarity within the country among both intellectuals and feminists; 3 creating movements and protests in an effort to implement reform; and 4 utilizing publication platforms to raise awareness of female plight within the country.

    Some scholars have attributed successes to other factors such as the rise of the Bahai and Babi religion, as both highlighted the importance of the role of women and emphasized female empowerment and freedom Mahdi Additionally, there are the suffrage movements within the United States and Great Britain which greatly influenced the viewpoint of many Iranian women and influenced them to do the same Sansarian In discussing the dynamics of the Pahlavi era, I highlight the work of Hamideh Sedghi Phase I: Small Movements towards Progress in the s The s saw the end to both the Qajar era and that of the Constitutional Movement and Revolution, but the feminist movements that began in those eras continued well into the Pahlavi dynasty.

    As such, the article did cause controversy and condemnation among the religious clerics which subsequently led to the banning of the journal altogether Parvin Consequently, the Parsas were extradited from Mashhad and sent to Qom17 due to being deemed un-Islamic Sedghi This incident was the first of many during the Pahlavi era, but it highlighted hurdles faced by women in trying to achieve reformative action.

    Similar to the Qajar dynasty, many women wished to unveil, but were met with hostility among religious and conservative groups. In , Reza Shah implemented police protection for those women that wished to walk publicly without a head covering Sedghi Regardless, women were still required to still wear some form of head covering such as a hat or scarf Sedghi Nonetheless, Reza Shah strived to make Iran more westernized and had implemented goals to heighten the female status quo within the country.

    In , Reza Shah implemented a specific westernized dress code for men within Iran which consisted of the Pahlavi hat18which was mandatory head garb and to be worn with European clothing only Chehabi This in turn resulted in protests and riots as many men felt that such dress went strictly against their religious beliefs and morals.

    As will be discussed later in this chapter, Reza Shah revisits unveiling later during his reign. For instance, one of the most noteworthy feminist groups in Iran by the name of Jamiyat-e Neswan-E Watanka19 paved respect towards Islamic edicts while subsequently striving to enact reform policies for women Sedghi As with many future movements, women in this group utilized art as a platform to voice the deprivations women face. In some circumstances, they performed plays that would display struggles women go through in their day-to-day lives which often garnered criticism among religious elites Sedghi In some cases these plays were destroyed by angered mobs of religious clergymen that believed the women partaking in them were unveiled which was seen as a deliberate insult towards Islamic customs Sedghi Sadly, during the s the league dissolved, as did many groups and organizations at the time, and many of its members chose to merge with the state run feminist movements such as that of Kanun-e Banovan20 Sedghi Phase II: Reform for Women during the s Unlike the Qajar dynasty, where women were met with much opposition with regard to obtaining education, the Pahlavi era gave much support to women who wanted to pursue their studies.

    In , women were permitted to travel abroad for studies and were even provided with funding Esfandiari At the same time, the government attempted to pass and enforce various reforms which would significantly alter the status and roles of women within society Arasteh These laws ranged from the education spectrum to that of family laws. One prominent reform was making education more readily accessible for young girls in elementary level courses throughout many cities in Iran Arasteh Between the year , women were finally permitted to conduct studies at Tehran University Esfandiari ; Arasteh Subsequently, in , Reza Shah visited Turkey where he became enamored by the freedoms and liberations offered to women coupled with the levels of modernization and westernization within the country that he witnessed Sedghi ; Sedghi In , Reza Shah implemented rules In , Reza Shah implemented potentially the most pivotal and controversial laws in Iranian history: kafshe hijab.

    Despite the warnings against such a bold move, Reza Shah applied a royal decree that would abolish the veil, which created an outcry amongst the religious clerics and conservative members Sedghi One on hand, the Shah was praised for his endeavors in reforming laws against women and paving the way for more liberation of the gender, while on the other hand the Shah was met with hostility and criticism among more religious women that felt that he was being authoritarian in his measures — particularly among women that wished to wear the chador Sedghi For instance, in February , women that chose to wear the veil and fail to abide by the decree, were banned from entering the Imam Reza shrine Chehabi In another occurrence, Reza Shah made it mandatory for prostitutes to keep wearing the veil in an effort to show that the veil is not a symbol of morality, but rather an immoral one that should be denounced Chehabi The city of Tabriz had accounts showing that women that failed to unveil would not receive their degrees or diplomas Sedghi Other accounts mentioned women being beaten and abused in the streets if they failed to comply with the decree Hoodfar In addition to this, Reza Shah insisted that high-ranking officials bring their wives to office functions and parties completely unveiled; otherwise, they would risk removal from their position Abrahamian The same was expected of lower-ranking employees, where they were required to have unveiled wives out in the public Abrahamian Further, in , the Shah created a law that would ultimately give fines to industries such as restaurants, movie theaters, and hotels that would refuse the entrance of all sexes Mackey In , these industries, as well as taxis and busses, were ordered to forbid women wearing the chador to enter the premises or utilize their facilities Mackey The result was a portion of the population feeling targeted, humiliated, and insecure within the confines of their societies.

    Women that wished to adhere to the chador felt that these newly instated laws pushed forth oppressive measures. While many of these progressive women had previously fought for the removal of the veil and the chador, they did so with the intent that women that wished to done the headscarf would be permitted to do so; however they were mistaken Atabaki and Zurcher One consequence of the ban that is often overlooked in scholarly works is that many of these women that wore the chador were not accustomed to wearing hats or putting together certain outfits that they otherwise would not have felt the need to do Atabaki and Zurcher In an effort to further Europeanize the country, women were only permitted to wear European styled hats, predominantly those donned in France or Great Britain, which were as equally costly as they were foreign: One major problem for most urban women was that they simply lacked the sartorial experience of appearing in public without bodily cove, and in any case buying hats was very expensive for them at that time.

    They also lacked the culture of a public hairdo and, apart from that, would have felt much less embarrassed if they could cover their hair with a scarf Atabaki and Zurcher , This is not to say that the Shah dismantled all forms of Islamic edicts; rather, he did permit husbands to have more than one wife — specifically four at one time and further permitted them to divorce without reason Abrahamian Moreover, women were still not extended certain rights such as voting and running for political positions within government Abrahamian Thus, while the Shah paved the way towards more progressive thought, he still maintained some of the more traditional stances with regard to women.

    Firstly, he put forth effort to marginalize the lower class from that of the upper class, which created great discontentment and disenfranchisement among the former group. The Shah went so far as to ensure his place in the upper class by marrying his children to royalty within Iran as well as abroad, such as the case of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi that was married to Princess Fauzia of Egypt Abrahamian In addition to his westernization of Iran, the Shah further tried to create more inclusiveness with regard to oil trade and place Iran on the face of the market.

    Unfortunately, this alliance would result in the untimely demise of the Shah. In , Germany attacked the Soviet Union resulting in the latter to join alliances with Great Britain against the former as well as Iran, now viewed as a Nazi sympathizer and supporter Mackey Both Britain and Russia provided opportunity for the Shah to secure the protection of Iran by expelling all German nationals, however the Shah refused Brysac While Bullard and Churchill felt that the Shah was a threat to the security of Iran, as well as that of Britain and Russia, Eden felt more thought was needed prior to overthrowing him as it may result in turmoil and disarray for Iran Bakhash In discussing the state of the Shah, Churchill was quoted as stating: At the present time we have not turned against the Shah but unless good results are forthcoming his mis-government of his people will be brought into the account…our requirements must somehow be met, and it ought to be possible for you to obtain all the facilities we require, bit by bit, by using the possible leverage of a Russian occupation of Tehran as cited in Bakhash , 22 On September 9, , Iran was once again asked to expel all German, as well as Italian, nationals from the country within forty-eight hours; failure to do so would result in an invasion of Tehran Brysac While it seemed that Britain was attempting to provide the Shah with opportunity to maintain his control of Iran, the incentives were clear: should the Shah be compliant, Britain 22 War Cabinet: Most Secret, W.

    On September 16, British and Russian forces invaded the capital of Tehran after a lack of complicity by the Shah which then resulted in efforts to remove the ruler from power Brysac ; Abrahamian There are various contestations as to whether the Shah willingly abdicated or was forced to do so see Bullard ; Ghani and Ghani ; Cronin Immediately after his abdication, his son, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi became the newly instated leader of Iran and Reza Shah was forced to flee the country to South Africa where he resided until his death.

    It would not be until this newly instated government under the guise of Mohammed Reza Pahlavi where women would be extended additional equal rights, suffrage rights, and more equality within political spheres. During this era, women gained a stronghold within the country and as will be seen in the next section, they were able to successfully create influence through political, educational, and social platforms. Pahlavi Dynasty, the Mossadegh Interregnum, and Restoration of Pahlavi Rule: Almost immediately following the abdication of Reza Shah, the country restored some previous traditions, most notably reinstating property rights to citizens, lifting compulsory dress codes for men, and permitting women to wear the chador or head scarf.

    The start of the new regime was promising both for progressives and the religious community. It was the beginning of a new era, one that both sects had hoped would bring positive change. Most importantly, she utilized her position and stature within the university, to teach on subjects such as female subordination Paidar This was not only a pivotal moment for women across the country, but it placed platforms for other women to attain the same abilities.

    Like her predecessors during the Qajar dynasty, Sayyah utilized journalism to her advantage in an effort to raise awareness to critical issues women face. As such, she founded and edited Zanan-e Iran24 which discussed wide ranging issues from family life for women to education to a lack of voting rights among many others. This was just one of many notable magazines that were utilized to raise awareness and promote activist for women, other such journals included: Zanan Pishrow25, Ghiyam Zanan26, Hoghugh Zanan27, Azadi Zanan28, Zan Mobarez29, and Alam Zanan30 among many others.

    Each of these published magazines were fundamental to feminist progressive movements as each tackled and discussed social issues 23 Fatemeh Sayyeh was not an Iranian born citizen. She was born in Moscow, Russia to an Iranian father and German mother. While the former Pahlavi era did successfully create some progressive movements for women, there were other issues such as voting, that were not as successful.

    Moreover, Sayyah highlighted the vast advancements offered to Turkish women which were neglected to Iranian women such as equality in marriage and divorce along with suffrage — all of which were permitted to Turkish women between the mids and early s Amin Most importantly, Sayyah wished to combat the proponents of suffrage and equality, by highlighting that Turkish women have never abused their freedoms but rather have successfully contributed to society by integrating into the workforce and political spheres while still maintaining a balanced home life Amin Sayyah further proclaimed: If we want to individually compare learned and enlightened Turkish women with enlightened and educated Iranian women, we shall find no difference with respect to their level of progress or capability…however, it is worth noting that the number of educated and learned Turkish women is greater than that of educated Iranian women.

    Women in Turkey participate in all social and political areas and there are many women doctors, scholars, writers, lawyers, and judges…. As quoted in Paidar , The former had a significant impact on re-establishing formerly dismantled communist parties. The first communist party of Iran emerged in and consequently dissolved in by orders of Reza Shah who banned any and all forms of communist beliefs Jahanpour The history of the Tudeh is one filled with contestations and complexities amongst historians, former members, and scholars alike.

    Taqi Arani Abrahamian During their time in the prison, it is said that these fifty-three members collaborated to create what would later be known as the Tudeh Party Abrahamian As such, have also been arguments made with regard to when the Tudeh embraced communist ideals: one argument states that the Tudeh was always a communist party, while others state it was a steady development over time Chaqueri In light of this lack of cohesive literature, it is challenging to determine how the Tudeh truly emerged.

    While one cannot positively determine the causal source for the party, the Soviet Union undoubtedly played a role in its creation, whether that be directly or indirectly. In an attempt to help each of these distinct groups, the Tudeh established subsidiary movements within its party that were dedicated to the causes of each of these individuals.

    Scholars such as Abrahamian have stated that the Tudeh was the only party during the s that assisted women and was designed to rally them. While women were not permitted to be official members of the organization between the years to , they still participated and promoted movements to further their endeavors. Unfortunately, Qavam was met with harsh scrutiny among the clergymen and members of his own party, so much so that many of them resigned from their positions Sedghi As a result, his efforts were laid to rest when once again the bill was denied.

    See under Shakhnazarov and also under Giller and Borodianskii. See also under Rappaport and Bykov and also documentary on Bykov, Leonid. See also under Talankin and Daneliia and Daneliia in the Animation index. See under Navrotskii and Dmokhovskii and also under Apsolon and Dmokhovskii. See also under Govorukhin and Durov and below under Durov and Puchinian. See also under Lebedev and Frumin and under Western films by Frumin. See under Mkrtchian and Khodzhikian and also under Ladynin and Khodzhikian.

    See also under Klimov and under Mironer and see also a documentary on Khutsiev. See also under Ivanovskii and under Kheifits and Kosheverova. See also above and under Arnshtam and Kozintsev and also a documentary on Kozintsev. See under Abalov and Meliava and also under Shengelaia and Meliava. See also a documentary by Mikhalkov and a documentary on Mikhalkov. See also under Ozep in the films from Other Countries index.

    Pervyi v kosmose [Gagarin. Delo semnadtsatoe. Case No. See also under Ivanovskii and Rappaport and under Minkin and Rappaport. See under Bergunker and Rashevskaia and also under Muzykant and Rashevskaia. Dachnyi roman [From Nothing To Do.

    Shutka [The Proposal. See also under Dormenko and Sukhobokov and under Sauts and Sukhobokov. See also a documentary by Tarkovskii , documentaries on Tarkovskii , Musorgskii's Boris Godunov directed by Tarkovskii and Western feature films by Tarkovskii. See also under Trauberg and Tutyshkin , and under Kozintsev and Trauberg. See under Stolpovskaia and Troitskii and also under Dulerain and Troitskii. El Atentado a Pinochet [Shram.

    Pokushenie na Pinocheta] [The Scar. If you're shooting, shoot Continued The Irony of Fate. Novaia versiia [The Career of Arturo Ui. Operatsiia "Kitaiskaia shkatulka" [Ordered to Destroy. Skhvatka [The Inhabited Island. Zaveshchanie [Peter the Great. Delo pervoe. Delo vtoroe. Povinnuiu golovu A Fault Confessed Delo piatoe. Delo shestoe. Delo deviatoe. Delo odinnadtsatoe. Delo dvenadtsatoe. Delo trinadtsatoe.

    Delo chetyrnadtsatoe. Delo piatnadtsatoe. Glavnoe dostoianie nashei strany [Our Russia. Trudovye budni krasnodarskikh pastukhov [Our Russia. Spasibo, chto zhivoi [Vysotskii. Delo dvadtsatoe. Reks -1 [Destroy the Thirtieth! Zaveshchanie imperatora [Mysteries of the Palace Revolutions. Zaveshchanie imperatritsy [Mysteries of the Palace Revolutions. Cherednichenko [N.

    Stranitsy zhizni [My Home is the Theatre Ulanskaia ballada [ Pushkina [The Life and Death of A. Special Circumstances] , approx. Zona [Swan Lake. Ugolovnyi rasskaz. Perevodchitsa oligarkha [Play on Words. Khroniki smutnogo vremeni [ Poema [Siberiade. Tysiachu let nazad [Iaroslav. Priamo v serdtse Soldat liubvi [Slove. Opticheskaia poema [Gardens of the Scorpion.

    Meksikanskaia fantaziia [Sergei Eizenshtein. Soiuz velikogo dela [S. Boevoi kinosbornik. Our Girls. Delo desiatoe. Delo deviatnadtsatoe. Misterii [Mysterium. Boevoi kinosbornik [Young Partisans. Stantsiia Lugovaia [Don't Forget Komediia [The Avenger. The Alarm Bell. The Snowstorm.

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